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Charity machinery or revolutionary solidarity?

“… establishing, outside of all bourgeois politics, the solidarity of revolutionary action…”

Submitted to Enough 14 in Spanish (Castellano). Translated by Enough 14.

Read this article in Spanish (Castellano) in PDF format:

Spanish territory. Mutual support networks, neighbourhood networks, volunteers (or employees), food banks, the whole immense apparatus that has emerged in a few weeks to contain the disastrous economic and social consequences of the pandemic have captured the attention of many, either out of altruism or out of simple necessity. And this is normal, given that as in any crisis that the capitalist system goes through, the most serious consequences are suffered to a greater extent by those who were already screwed up before the crisis, that is, the poor, in Madrid or in Sevastopol. The capitalists follow a simple logic: socialize the losses, when there are any, and hoard the profits, always. It is one of the logics that runs through a society divided between the exploited and the exploiters, between those who are governed and those who govern.

And so we find ourselves in a situation of poverty and helplessness, of pure and simple need to eat, with social services, collapsed, the Church and NGOs, collapsed or at least sufficiently overwhelmed to refer “cases” to these networks. Networks composed of a variety of neighborhood associations, neighborhood activists, social workers working overtime, leftist political collectives, various individuals, people who want to give a hand, leftist militants, the occasional fascist informant, anarchists, libertarians, grassroots christians, those who were passing by, and those who simply wanted a fucking pass to avoid the isolation imposed by fines, a hit on the back of the head and military boots. Ah, and we cannot forget about a few aspiring politicians, who did not hesitate to speak out when the media appeared, to take charge and to set themselves up as censors and organizers of some of these initiatives, which in some districts of Madrid, demanded levels of autonomy and pointed out the lack of horizontality and clarity. In the end, little by little, these networks are entering into the dynamics at the general level of functioning as mere managers of charity, of extra support for social services, of an emergency strut in the face of a welfare state that has been dismantled for a long time and now has been flooded.

Are we still talking about the wet dream of social democracy in the midst of 2020 and the new post-covid-19 era? Looks like it. The welfare state was a social peace pact signed by the leftist aristocracy with our exploiters, a dream built on the brutal exploitation and plundering of other regions of the planet, the domination and exhaustion of the land, the wheel of modern slavery of production and consumption that we paid for with numbing by democratic pacification, where the repressive brutality of the state was justified and protected under the selective repression against those adventurers who decided to break the margins of democratic consensus. The project of this government, which some people may call “social communist”, is nothing more than the usual way of underpinning a capitalism with a friendly face. And while generating more and more excluded, in an acceleration of this process where technological development fulfills and will continue to fulfill an important role. More and more people are being expelled on the margins and it is a management problem, with overcrowded prisons and social services balancing out, along with the various benefits, ERTE’s and various mattresses of the system. The progressive government is the regime’s biggest supporter, following the historical tradition of the left to numb and pacify rage, in order to preserve order and normality, which is a perfect scenario for local and international exploiters.Translated with http://www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version)

We think it is important to emphasize this, being sure that the queues to collect food at the food banks have come to stay, to emphasize the reproductive role of the system in which these initiatives can, and perhaps have, already fulfilled. They are not born from nothing, they are not only a solidarity impulse, they are the materialization of a mentality derived from the project of the welfare state. Or at least, we think, it’s a determining factor.

When was the sting removed from the wasp?

Because we do not wish to contribute to the spectacularisation of poverty as a result of a pandemic, but as a structural consequence of a system that generates poverty and exploitation for the benefit of an elite. Because we know that we will have to take care of our basic needs and those of our friends, family and comrades, but we refuse to let the price to be paid be the abandonment of the fight against those responsible for our misery. Because we do not want to conform to a calm and orderly logic that fits in perfectly with maintaining the state of things, which speaks of order, authority, social distance in supermarket and food bank queues, states of emergency, applications that control our movements, the military and police on every corner, drones and swarms of video surveillance cameras and private security.

Because we want to establish solidarity as a link with our equals, anonymous or not, in the fight against those who speculate in the neighbourhoods, against property, against the rattraps where we live in tact, exposed to a poisoned air, against the controllers, against the political class, against our bosses and masters, against the borders, the walls of the prisons, detention centres for migrants and fences, against those who hoard and live in opulence thanks to exploitation. Against the state’s management of the disaster and its so-called “new normality” dystopia.

Nor do we want to pay for the consequences of the crisis on the part of the capitalists, everything they have has been achieved through theft and exploitation of others. Globalization has made exploitation a non-homogeneous but global process, acting on different levels. We want to settle the score. We want to fight. We want to hear about strikes, looting, squatting, riots, attacks and that their driving force is solidarity and mutual support.

“The basis of revolutionary solidarity lies in recognizing one’s own project of rebellion in the struggles and actions of others and therefore seeing these others, at least potentially, as allies in the struggle.”

We are disgusted by the sickening welfare role that ends up creating organizations outside the institutions where a new vertical division is generated, between the giver and the receiver, generating dependency and becoming the rule, routine and finally “normality” while our exploiters swim in abundance. The “charity specialists”, speaking in silver, are managers of harmless and inoffensive answers to the problems generated by a system at its root. Anything to avoid conflict: military and technology, cheap patriotism and an army of social workers, are the axes of the pincer of peace and social control.

We want to establish solidarity with others in the context of struggle, to experience mutual support as an impulse for struggle. Because it is a question of real necessity, it always was, it was never an idealistic crusade, revolutionary solidarity is a necessity for those who decide to stand up against this world of misery.

Solidarity that shatters illusory border lines, that has the denial of false identities such as nation or race at its core, connects individuals in the very language of the practice of attack. And it’s not enough for us to drive the fascists out of our neighborhoods.

Democracy and the welfare state, as a mirage and crystallization of the authority of the powerful over the oppressed, are the real virus. And it’s not enough for us to drive the fascists out of our neighborhoods.

“And what does it mean to act in solidarity with others in struggle? Above all, it means continuing our own struggle against all forms of domination and exploitation wherever we are. The state, capital and all the institutions through which they exercise their power form a whole, and every attack by one part, even the smallest subversion, the smallest expression of a self-organized revolt, is an attack in general.”



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